CANADIAN POLITICS
(1885 - 1914)
- describe key characteristics of Canada between 1885 and 1914, including social and economic conditions, the roles and contributions of various people and groups, internal and external pressures for change, and the political responses to these pressures;
- describe the factors contributing to change in Canadian society (e.g., immigration, technology, politics, globalization);
- outline the advantages and disadvantages of Clifford Sifton's immigration policy in the Laurier era;
- identify key events that illustrate Canada's role within the British Empire and explain their significance.
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identify and explain the factors that led to Laurier’s electoral defeat in 1911 (e.g., the reciprocity issue, political compromise, French-English tensions);
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describe the treaties, alliances, events, and people that contributed to the start of the First World War, and explain their relevance to Canada.
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describe and analyse conflicting points of view about a historical issue
Above excerpted from The Ontario Curriculum: Social Studies, Grades 1-6; History and Geography Grades, 7-8, 2004 (e. and o. e.)
Historical Political Maps of Canada
Each of the following maps illustrates the development of Canada over time. These are thanks to the Canadian Geographic Website.
People often romanticize life a century ago, saying life was simpler then. Was it? Imagine the year is 1889.
Nellie Mooney, who would become famous as Nellie McClung, was 16 years old. She began teaching in a rural school in Somerset, Manitoba. Nellie was one of the many young women who took up teaching as more children went to public schools. She knew she would be paid quite a bit less than a man, likely about half. During her first year of teaching, she received no pay at all because the area's crops had been destroyed by hail. The community could not raise the money for her salary. She had room and board with the local Methodist minister's family.
Nellie was young and energetic and at recess would play football with her students. Parents objected to this. Football was not a game for ladies. She continued to play. A few years later when she married the minister's son, Robert Wesley McClung, she had to give up teaching. Married women could not teach in the public schools.
Adelaide Hunter Hoodless was a busy mother of four young children in Hamilton, Ontario, in 1889. Then her youngest son, John, who was a year-and-a-half-old, deid from drinking contaminated milk. She was devastated. When the doctor told her that John died because she had never been taught to cover his milk to keep the flies off, she was furious. Why did the public schools not teach such life-saving information? Should not schools teach about new discoveries? Should public education be reorganized?
In Toronto hundreds of children worked on the streets as they had for
years. They swept the pavements, polished shoes, and sold items like
pencils, fruit, or newspapers. Families often depended on this
income.
John Joseph Kelso was one of these children. As an adult, in
1889, he petitioned the Toronto Police Commission to regulate the street
trade with licences. These would prohibit children under the age of
eight from working on the streets.
In British Columbia, in August of 1889, a Kwakiutl, Hemasak, was sentenced to six months' imprisonment for holding a potlatch. For Aboriginal groups of the Northwest Coast, a potlatch is an important traditional ceremony. The ceremony involves formal dances, songs, and the giving of gifts to guests. Hemasak knew that the Canadian Government had passed many laws that affected his life, but did they really mean to forbid the traditional potlatch ceremony? His conviction was eventually overturned. The law against holding a potlatch had not said exactly what the ceremony was.
The Vancouver Trades and Labour Council was started to help labourers. It was also the centre of anti-Chinese activity, mainly because the Chinese worked for lower wages. Late in 1889 the council helped to work out an agreement between the city and a man who wanted to open a sugar refinery. The city agreed to give the owner tax breaks if he only hired white workers. Then the council boycotted Chinese Laundries, refusing to use them and trying to stop other customers from using them. The council also made sure that a law forbidding businesses to open on Sundays was strictly enforced against the Chinese. Then it put pressure on the federal government to increase the payment, called the head tax, that the Chinese immigrants had to make to land in Canada. By 1904 the head tax had been raised from $50 to $500. The Chinese community was almost helpless against this kind of activity as the Chinese were not allowed to vote in British Columbia.
In 1890 when a woman married she lost possession of her property and wages. All assets belonged to her husband. A married woman was not allowed to sign contracts. This made it difficult for her to carry on a business in her own name or without her husband's co-operation. A woman could not take her husband to court if he mistreated her. Children were considered property of the father; a mother had no legal custody rights. In the West women had no legal rights of inheritance. There are records of at least one woman who disguised herself as a man after her husband died to make it easier for her to continue to raise horses and homestead on the prairies.
A woman's role was supposed to be as a dutiful wife and caring mother. The reality for many women, though, was quite different. Many woman had to work for wages. In the 1890s in Montréal, for example, perhaps one third of all women over 40 years of age were widows who had to support themselves. in 1891 women held over 25 percent of all manufacturing jobs in Canada. Most servants, nurses, and schoolteachers were women. At the same time, popular magazines had covers that showed idealized mothers and children. They published articles that made claims like, "Women's first and only place is in her home."
Women had to struggle against a social order that was controlled by men. Some doctors claimed that a young woman's health would be damaged by higher education. Goldwin Smith, a Toronto journalist, wrote that the right to vote, or suffrage, for women would mean homes would suffer. Smith left his post at Cornell University in the United States in protest over the university's decision to admit women.
| 1872 - 1907 | Married Women's Property Acts passed in all provinces except Alberta and Quebec. This meant that a married woman's personal property and any income she earned were her own.
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| 1873 | British Columbia allows women property holders to vote in municipal elections.
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| 1875 | Mount Allison University grants a B.Sc. degree to Grace Lockhart, the first woman to graduate from a university in the British Empire.
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| 1883 | Medical colleges are established for women in Toronto and Kingston. Dr. Emily Stowe's daughter, Augusta, becomes the first woman to receive a medical degree in Canada.
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| 1884 | Women are admitted to the University of Toronto. Single women in Ontario who own property are granted the municipal vote. Married women in Ontario are allowed to sign contracts concerning their own separate property.
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| 1897 | Clara Brett Martin becomes the first woman to practise law in the British Empire, after Premier Mowat of Ontario pressures the Law Society of Ontario to admit women as Lawyers.
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| 1910 | Alberta passes Married Women's Relief Act, entitling a widow to a court-assigned portion of her husband's estate if she has not been included in his will.
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| 1916 | Emily Murphy becomes the first woman magistrate in the British Empire - an appointment often questioned by lawyers since women were not legally considered "persons".
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| 1916 - 1922 | All provinces except Quebec grant women the right to vote.
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| 1917 | British Columbia becomes the first province to pass custody laws, giving mothers the same rights as fathers over children. The Military Voters Act gives the vote to women nurses serving in the war. The Wartimes Elections Act gives the federal vote to women who were related as wives, widows, mothers, sisters, or daughters to soldiers who had served or were serving with the Canadian or British Military.
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| 1918 | All women who are citizens and over the age of 21 are given the right to vote in federal elections.
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The above is excerpted from Deir, 2000 (e. and o. e.)
Laurier's Political Challenges
Canada's bicultural nature once again became an issue. Prime Minister Laurier had to deal with a number of situations where French and English Canadians had different views. Canadians today still struggle towards a balance between the rights of English and French citizens.
French Canadian nationalism refers to the feelings or desires of French Canadians to preserve their religion and traditions. based on the British North America Act, French Canadians viewed Confederation as an agreement that guaranteed the equality of French and English.
Great numbers of immigrants arriving in Canada changed the situation.
English Canada was changing its attitude to biculturalism. Some
English Canadians did not want schools to be based on religion. They
wanted all
schools to be publicly funded and all children to attend together.
In 1871, the provincial government of New Brunswick decided to stop
supporting Roman
Catholic schools. French
Acadian and
Irish Catholic
people objected, but their objections were ignored. In 1890, the
provincial government of Manitoba voted to replace its dual system (Roman
Catholic schools and public schools, both government funded), with a
single system.
The French Roman Catholics were afraid that English Canadian culture would overwhelm the French Canadian culture and that it would slowly disappear.
Many French Canadians wanted to see a bicultural nation in which the French and English cultures were of equal strength. Henri Bourassa, in his roles as journalist, Liberal, and later independent member of parliament, became a champion of the rights of the country's French Canadian minority. He said, "We do not have the right to make Canada an exclusively French country, any more than the Anglo-Canadians have the right to make it an English country." He argued that the French language and the Roman Catholic religion must be protected. He was against the multicultural immigration policy of the Liberals. He said, "I want selective immigration, so that we will not be swamped by the waves of [non-French speaking settlers]...causing a decrease in the percentage of people of French origin..." He was also against the transcontinental railway because it used Quebec tax money and it brought too many English-speaking settlers. Bourassa and the French Canadian nationalists wanted to see a strong independent Canada. They did not want to see increased political ties with Great Britain, and they definitely did not want to assist Great Britain should a war occur.
Wilfrid Laurier and his Liberal party won the election of 1896. Laurier compromised with the provincial leaders. The provincially-funded Roman Catholic school system was not restored. However, when there were enough students, religious teaching could take place in the last half-hour of the school day. Also, when there where 10 or more students who spoke a language other than English, they could be taught in that language and English. This did not, however, apply to First Nations languages.
The above is excerpted from Arnold, 2000(e. and o. e.)
Reciprocity was initially promoted as an alternative to John A. Macdonald's National Policy. Reciprocity meant that there would be no protective tariffs on all natural resources being imported and exported between Canada and the United States. This would allow prairie grain farmers access to the larger American market, and allow them to make more money on their exports. In the 1890s, it also meant that Western farmers could obtain access to cheaper American farm machinery and manufactured goods, which otherwise had to be obtained at higher prices from Central Canada.
The Liberal Party of Canada ran and were defeated over their reciprocity platform in the 1891 election. Macdonald won on the nationalist slogan, "The Old Flag, The Old Policy, The Old Leader." The Liberals temporarily shelved the concept. When reciprocity came up again in 1896, it was the Americans who proposed it to Wilfrid Laurier's Liberals. The idea excited them, and they immediately began to campaign for it. The Conservatives feared that they would lose the election again due to the valuable agreement, and despite their general belief that it would do Canada good, began to campaign against it.
The Liberal Party went on to win the 1896 election. It negotiated an elaborate reciprocity agreement with the United States in 1911. However in the 1911 election it became a major issue, with the Conservatives saying that it would be a "sell out" to the US. The Liberals were defeated by the Conservative party whose slogan was "No truck or trade with the Yankees".
The Canadian Naval Service Bill of 1910 was a piece of Canadian government legislation, which was put forward by Canadian Prime Minister Sir Wilfred Laurier. Prior to the bill, Canada did not have a navy of its own, which left it waters unprotected by its own fleet. The Naval Service Bill was intended to provide Canada with its own Navy that if needed England could take over during time of war. By the end of 1910, the Royal Canadian Navy was created with a fleet of two former British Royal Navy vessels.[1] Both French Canadian nationalists and British Canadian Imperialists disputed the Bill, which eventually led to the fall of Laurier’s government and the Naval Service Bill being replaced by a new bill put forward by Prime Minister Robert Borden in 1912.[2]
During the early years of the twentieth century, Britain found themselves in a naval race with Germany. This became a major competition between the two major powers, which led to both sides looking for an edge. Britain’s fear that Germany’s Navy would catch up to its Royal Navy has been coined as the ‘Dreadnought’ crisis.[3] In 1909 at the Imperial Conference, British officials requested help from the Dominion prime ministers, concerning its Navy.[4] This request imposed Prime Minister Sir Wilfred Laurier with what became known as his ‘Naval Question’.[5]
The British Navy decided to build its own battleships and requested money from the Dominions to help finance this costly project.[5] Many British Canadians expected Laurier’s Liberal government to help finance Britain’s project.[5] French-Canadian nationalists led by leaders such as Henri Bourassa were opposed to Canada to having any involvement with Britain’s naval problem. This put Laurier in a very tough position, as the Canadian public was extremely divided.
Laurier’s compromise was The Naval Service Bill, which was introduced in January of 1910.[5] It set up the Department of Naval Services, which would operate a small Canadian Navy.[4] Canada’s navy was to be controlled by Ottawa, but during times of war it could be put under British control.[6] Under this new bill Canada was to construct a naval college that was capable to train Canadian naval officers.[5] This Naval College was constructed in 1910 in the city of Halifax, Nova Scotia.[5] It also proposed under the bill that Canada was going to construct five cruisers and six destroyers in order to create its own navy.[1] Canada’s first naval ship arrived on October 17th 1910, it was a former British Royal Navy cruiser called the Niobe.[1] On November 7th, Canada’s second ship The Rainbow, which was also a former Royal Navy cruiser arrived in British Columbia.[1] These two cruisers were mainly for training purposes.[6]
The Naval Service Bill was very controversial, as it was highly criticized by both the French Canadian Nationalists and the English Canadians. Imperialistic minded Canadians claimed that Canada was doing too little. Conservatives famously dubbed Laurier’s new policy as the “Tin Pot Navy”.[5] The bill was highly criticized by the French Canadian Nationalists, led by Henri Bourassa.[7] Bourassa felt that the bill went too far and that Canada would be dragged into every single British War. Also the French Nationalists were concerned that the navy would mean conscription for the Canadian people.[2] The loss of French support for Laurier’s Liberals led to his party being defeated in the 1911 election. He was replaced by the Conservatives, led by Robert Borden.[8] In 1913, Borden replaced the Naval Service Bill with the Naval Aid Bill. Now instead of supplying ships, Canada would give the British Royal Navy cash instead.[8]
The above is excerpted from Wikipedia, 2007 (e. and o. e.)
Robert Borden inherited the glowing legacy of the Laurier years. Canadians expected much from their new prime Minister.
The task would not be easy. Borden also inherited a number of difficult problems. His economic challenge was to continue the growth and development of the country. There were, however, some early warning signs that a world economic slump was beginning. Borden also faced the unresolved Naval Service Bill and the increasing possibility of a war in Europe. As a member of the British Empire, Canada would be expected to show its support should Great Britain become involved in a war.
Two election issues had contributed to Laurier's defeat, the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States and the Naval Service Bill. The majority of Canadians were against both. Laurier's Naval Service Bill did not pass in the senate and did not become law.
Borden visited Great Britain to determine how serious the news of upcoming
war in Europe was.
Germany and Great
Britain were involved in a
race to expand their
navies and control the seas. A war in Europe involving these two
countries seemed possible. Great Britain asked for help from the
larger members of the British Empire such as Canada.
Winston Churchill
was the First Lord of the Admiralty, in charge of the British navy. He
convinced Borden
that the new German navy posed a threat to Great Britain and the British
Empire, as well as to Europe. Churchill asked Canada to provide $35
million to Great Britain to build warships. Borden was persuaded by
Churchill that the situation was a real emergency. Borden took the
request for money to the Canadian Parliament as the Naval Aid Bill.
It approached the naval question differently than Laurier's Naval Services
Bill had.
Months of angry debate in Canada followed. The Liberals and French Canadian Nationalists were against the Naval Aid Bill. Finally it was passed in the House of Commons but defeated in the Senate. Canada still had no naval policy.
On may 15, 1912, the Borden government changed some political boundaries in Canada. Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec were granted vast tracts of largely unsurveyed land. Treaty 9 with the First Nations of Northern Ontario had been signed in 1905. Parts A and B of Treaty 5 for Manitoba were signed in 1875 and 1908. At the time of 1912 boundary changes, land surrender treaties had not been signed with First Nations in Northern Quebec. The James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement was not signed until 1975.
The above is excerpted from Arnold, 2000(e. and o. e.)
As much as Canadian society changed during the
industrial era, so did Canada's role in the world. Confederation in
1867 created a Canada that was self-governing, with the power to make
decisions about its own affairs. Yet it remained a colony belonging
to Great Britain, and Great Britain continued to make decisions about
Canada's relations with other countries. In this way, Canada was not
truly independent.
In the years that followed, Canada worked to attain its full independence. It did not do so all at once in a single dramatic act. Instead, by a series of small steps, Canada emerged from the shadow of Britain to take its place on the world stage as an independent country.
At the turn of the century, the British Empire was the largest empire the world had ever seen. It consisted of all the colonies and territories around the world that belonged to Britain. At its height, the British Empire included one-quarter of the world's population.
Some of its overseas colonies were controlled directly from Britain. Others, like Canada, were dominions. Dominions had their own elected parliaments that governed their own affairs. In 1867, Canada was the first colony to be granted dominion status. Others followed, including Australia in 1901, New Zealand in 1907, and South Africa in 1910.
Most English Canadians were proud to belong to such a powerful empire. They thought that membership in the British Empire gave them a role to play in the world that they would not otherwise be able to enjoy.
Canadians did not all agree on the role they should play as part of the British Empire. Many French-speaking Canadians felt no attachment to the British whatsoever. Their background was French, after all. They worried that involvement in the empire would entangle them in conflicts around the world that had nothing to do with them.
"There is no antagonism [conflict] in my opinion between Canadianism and imperialism. The one is but the expansion of the other. To be a true Canadian...is to place yourself in harmony with the spirit of the Empire..."
~ Ontario Premier George Ross, from the London Advisor (September 28, 1900)
"I say to sincere imperialists, 'Come back to earth, you cannot make an Englishman out of a Canadian'"
~ Robert Bourassa, Quebec Politician, Quoted in Joseph Levitt, Henri Bourassa on Imperialism and Bi-culturalism, 1900-18 (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1970), p. 56
The above is excerpted from Cruxton, 2008 (e. and o. e.)
Side Note: Territories Versus Provinces
There
are currently three territories in Canada. Unlike the provinces, the
territories of Canada have no
inherent jurisdiction and only have those powers delegated to them by
the federal government.[3]
[4]
[5] They include all of mainland Canada north of latitude 60°
north and west of
Hudson Bay, as well as essentially all islands north of the Canadian
mainland (from those in
James
Bay to the
Canadian Arctic islands).
So, in other words, while provinces have their own level of government (provincial), Territories do not. They must have all of their powers given directly to them by the federal level of government.
The above is excerpted from Wikipedia, 2007 (e. and o. e.)